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It is therefore no coincidence that many Romans bore a cognomen referring to a physical defect. General Conclusion Generally we can conclude that a great difference existed between, on the one hand, the of cial or juridical view on impaired and dis gured veterans and, on the other hand, the general sociocultural attitude to wards impaired and dis gured veterans. The Roman ju rists tended to reason pragmatically and come to ad hoc conclusions. According to the community model of disability,113 we may conclude that a physical impairment was rarely judged as disabling. The distinc tion between impairment and disability that most resembles our modern understanding is expressed in Latin by vitium and morbus respectively; see Laes (above, n. Van Lommel | Heroes and Outcasts 117 From a sociocultural point of view, the future offered but few cer tainties for impaired and dis gured soldiers. They could live their lives as heroes, but they could just as well be ridiculed, pitied, and marginalized, and thus live their lives on the fringes of society. Various factors played a part, but veterans did not always have a hand in this matter. Few legal restrictions prevented impaired and dis gured veterans from holding a political or religious of ce. Its conclusions, however, are also extend to veterans aspiring to political and religious of ces at a lower level. In regard to politics, successful military service facilitated career prospects, which for most veterans would be on a municipal level. Obviously, many other religions were practiced in the Empire for which further research is required both diachronically and geographically. The essays in our published pages span the field, including scholarship about new media and early modern race, textual and theater history, ecocritical and posthuman approaches, psychoanalytic and other theories, and archival and historicist work. Our mission, simply put, is to present the best scholarship on Shakespeare from his own period to the present moment.
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But in H bodies, those D genes are in the same position as ants that have been taken as slaves. Any adaptation that they mediate in the H body cannot be passed on to the next generation; for the gametes produced by the H individual, regardless of how his developing phenotype, and indeed his survival, may have been influenced by D genes, are strictly G gametes. Just as would-be slave ants can be selected to resist being taken into captivity while they are still in their home nest, but cannot be selected to subvert the slavemaking nest once they are in it, so D genes can be selected to influence D bodies so that they resist being incorporated in H genomes in the first place, but once so incorporated they are no longer under selection, even though they can still have phenotypic effects. The inability of slaves to evolve counter-adaptations was originally invoked by Trivers and Hare (1976), in their theory of the sex-ratio arms race in social Hymenoptera. This is one of the best known of recent discussions of a particular arms race, and it is worth considering further. Elaborating on ideas of Fisher (1930a) and Hamilton (1972), Trivers and Hare reasoned that the evolutionarily stable sex ratio in ant species with one singly mated queen per nest cannot be simply predicted. If the queen is assumed to have all power over the sex of reproductive offspring (young queens and males), the stable ratio of economic investment in male and female reproductives is 1:1. If, on the other hand, non-laying workers are assumed to hold all power over investment in young, the stable ratio will be 3:1 in favour of females, ultimately because of the haplodiploid genetic system. Trivers and Hare reviewed the, admittedly imperfect, available data, and reported a good average fit to the 3:1 prediction, from which they concluded that they had found evidence for worker power winning the battle against queen power. It was a clever attempt to use real data to test a hypothesis of a kind that is often criticized as untestable, but like other innovative first attempts it is easy to find fault with it. Arms Races and Manipulation 75 Especially illuminating in the context of arms races and manipulation is the paper by Charnov (1978), which is concerned with the origins of eusociality, and which introduces a potentially important version of the life/dinner principle. His argument works for diploid as well as haplodiploid organisms, and I shall consider the diploid case first. Consider a mother whose elder children have still not left the nest when the next brood hatches. When the time comes for them to leave the nest and begin their own reproduction, the young have the option, instead, of staying behind and helping to rear their young siblings. As is now well known, all other things being equal such a fledgling should be genetically indifferent between rearing offspring and rearing full siblings (Hamilton 1964a,b). Obviously that they should stay and rear her next brood, since grandchildren are half as valuable to her as children. If she manipulated all her children for the whole of her life into rearing yet more non-producing child labourers, her germ-line would peter out. We must assume that she manipulates some offspring of the same genetic type into developing into reproductives and others into developing as workers. Normally, when we postulate selection in favour of manipulation we dutifully pay lip service to counter-selection on the victim to resist manipulation. The offspring being manipulated are, as we have already seen, indifferent to whether they rear young siblings or offspring of their own (again assuming all other things equal). Therefore, although we may postulate reverse manipulation by offspring of parents, this is bound, at least in the simple example visualized by Charnov, to be outweighed by parental manipulation of offspring.
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In the Hawai to birds and amphibians re ect the fact that the ian archipelago, for example, 98% of imperiled mammal assessment covered both imperiled and birds and 99% of imperiled plants are threatened non-threatened species). This was followed by alien species (affecting acre or per dollar (see Dobson et al. Note that this analysis covered both threatened and unthreatened species; as such, the data include threats to species that are not yet at risk of extinction, unlike Figure 12. Federal agencies, for exam ple, are prohibited from engaging in, authorizing, or funding any activities that may jeopardize the survival and recovery of a listed species, includ ing activities that damage or destroy important habitats. Depending on circumstances, such activities can range from timber cutting in the national forests to the construction of federally Figure 12. Like many Hawaiian honeycreepers, it is endangered by a construction of interstate highways. Federal combination of habitat destruction and diseases transmitted by introduced mosquitoes. This in question occur on publicly owned (federal or consultation requirement minimizes the risk that state government) land or private land. This includes direct harm, such sively on those imperiled species that have made as shooting or trapping, as well as indirect it onto the of cial federal list, that value rises to harm, such as habitat destruction. Approximately one-quarter of all on the other hand, are not afforded protection on documented populations of federally protected private lands unless the activity in question. This distinction between ani the degree to which private lands are important mals and plants dates back to English common to endangered species because many landowners law and does not have any ecological basis. But this cies must, at a minimum, be capable of protecting rigid requirement had an unfortunate conse essential habitat, halting overexploitation, and quence: Landowners refused to discuss their slowing the spread of harmful alien species. Thus, mands a careful balancing of science, economics, paradoxically, the law was too strong to protect and sociology (see Chapter 14). It is re steps need to be integrated in order to recover an served for cases where the project in question endangered species. Because the exemption process is compli should, in theory, spell out the steps necessary to cated, time-consuming, and politically charged, it ensure that a given species is no longer in danger has been very rarely used. Instead, the vast ma of extinction as well as provide a budget jority of con icts are resolved through consulta for achieving that goal. Part of the problem is that the plans are prevent a landowner from undertaking activities not legally binding documents.
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They relied on attitude shifting when they felt accountable to an audience with known liberal or conservative views. Accountability to known audiences had minimal impact, however, on the complexity of private thoughts. Accountability now had virtually no effect on public attitudes, but a substantial effect on the complexity of private thoughts. Subjects were markedly more tolerant of evaluative inconsistency (recognizing good features of rejected policies and bad features of accepted ones) and more aware of difficult value trade-offs. Subjects accountable to unknown audiences appeared to engage in preemptive self-criticism in which they tried to anticipate arguments of potential critics. Participants in this study reported their thoughts on four controversial issues either before or after they had committed themselves to stands. Some subjects believed that their stands were private; others believed that they would later justify their views to an audience with unknown, liberal, or conservative views. Accountable participants who reported their thoughts after making commitments became markedly less tolerant of dissonant arguments than were three other groups: unaccountable participants who reported their thoughts after making commitments and both unaccountable and accountable participants who reported their thoughts prior to taking a stand. Once people had publicly committed themselves to a position, a major function of thought became generating justifications for those positions. As a result, the integrative complexity of thoughts plunged (subjects were less likely to concede legitimacy to other points of view) and the number of pro-attitudinal thoughts increased (subjects generated more reasons why they were right and would-be critics were wrong). Ideally, each audience should deny the legitimacy of the accountability demands of the other, thereby rendering the prospects of either a log rolling or an integratively complex solution hopeless. The audiences should also be approximately equal in power, thereby reducing the attractiveness for decision makers of aligning themselves with one or the other camp. Finally, decision makers should have weak personal convictions and be strongly motivated to maintain good relations with both of the affected parties. Several experimental and field studies provide supportive evidence (Janis & Mann, 1977; Wilson, 1989). Consider the predicament that Tetlock and Boettger (1994) created in a laboratory simulation of Food and Drug Administration decision making on the acceptability of a controversial anti-clotting drug into the U. Confronted by pressures to take a stand one way or the other that was guaranteed to earn the enmity of an influential constituency, subjects, especially those in the off-themarket/accountability condition, sought options that allowed them to avoid taking any stand.
